Downs opens with a methodological note: his fieldwork of two and a half months aimed to describe Washo religion as practiced in the late 1950s while reconstructing aboriginal patterns. The text is dense with parenthetical cross-references to culture element distribution lists, signaling a scholarly effort to resolve discrepancies between earlier ethnographers like Stewart and Smith. The puberty ceremony for girls receives the most detailed treatment, revealing a ritual that has adapted to white expectations—girls now wear slips during the ash-dusting, and baskets are thrown even if they cannot hold water. Downs notes that the ceremony may have become more elaborate in recent decades, possibly due to growing ethnic pride.

The Puberty Ceremony as a Lens for Change

The girls' puberty dance is the most extensively described ritual in the excerpts, and it illustrates the tension between continuity and modification. The core sequence—a girl fasting four days, an elderberry wand hidden to ensure agility, ash-dusting with a prayer, a basket bath, and pigment application—remains recognizable. Yet every element shows adjustment: the wand is now hidden perfunctorily, sometimes only carried to a grandmother's house; the bath may be poured from a bucket if a proper basket is unavailable; and the girl is dusted while wearing a slip, not nude. Downs reports that in 1919 a reporter mistook the dance for a betrothal, and in 1926 Lowie observed a version without the wand or ash ritual, using a tin can for the bath. These snapshots suggest the ceremony was not static but varied by occasion and observer.

Shamanism and the Ambiguity of Power

The sections on curing, noncurative use of power, divining, and sorcery are referenced in the table of contents but only briefly excerpted. What emerges is a system where power is not uniformly beneficial. The heading 'Sorcery And Witchcraft' indicates that the same abilities used for healing could be turned to harm. Downs likely examines how individuals acquired power through dreams or vision quests, and how that power was validated or feared. The inclusion of 'War Power' suggests a category now obsolete, pointing to historical shifts in the function of religious specialists. Without full text, the reader should note that the author treats shamanism as a complex of practices embedded in social control and personal ambition, not merely as a therapeutic system.

Christianity and the Persistence of Old Forms

The table of contents lists a section on 'Influence Of Christianity,' but the excerpts do not include it. However, the puberty ceremony description shows how Christian-influenced modesty norms were adopted—the girl now wears a slip—while the ritual framework remained Washo. Downs also mentions that a dance could be postponed if a death occurred, and a smaller party held at the second period, indicating flexibility within tradition. The author's preface states his aim to trace change between aboriginal and contemporary patterns, and the puberty material suggests that Christian contact did not erase older beliefs but layered new constraints onto them. The reader should expect the missing section to address missionization, conversion, and syncretic practices, though the excerpts do not reveal specific examples.

Downs' monograph is a careful piece of salvage ethnography, but it is also a document of its time—the 1950s—when Native American religions were often studied as survivals. Readers should approach the text with an awareness that the author's informants were themselves navigating a rapidly changing world. The puberty ceremony, with its blend of old and new, offers the richest entry point into the tensions Downs documents. For those interested in the full scope of Washo religion, the sections on shamanism and Christian influence will likely provide the most analytical depth.